Chapter 100 Politicians and Civil Servants

Historical nuances are normal, just as the historical cleansing of Tito’s opposition is now alive and well, and the current error is within normal limits.

Before Alan Wilson returned to Potsdam, the British Prime Minister representing the British Empire at the Potsdam Conference had changed.

Churchill was replaced by the new prime minister, Airdrie, and Churchill was appointed as an advisor immediately afterward, acquiring the right to remain in the Potsdam Conference as an observer.

Also coming with the new Prime Minister, Adderley, was Ernest Bevin, the new Foreign Secretary, who was a trade union leader by trade and had organized and led the 1926 National General Strike.

Like many worker-supported parties of the era, Ernest Bevin argued that Britain should strike first against the German and Italian threat during Hitler’s rise to power.

For a long time, parties close to the workers were, by latter-day divisions, war parties of the first water.

The American Democratic Party before Kennedy, for example, was purely a white party.

The Australian Labor Party, first and foremost, had a White Australia policy. The socialist parties of the European countries of the First World War, unwavering in their support for war.

Parties close to the workers were often the decisive force in joining the war, something that would have been unthinkable in a later Europe where the white left pervaded.

The arrival in Potsdam of the new prime minister, Edley, and the new foreign minister, Ernest Bevin, made Truman a little unhappy, while on the contrary Stalin was in a very good mood.

For both the new Prime Minister and the new Foreign Minister were, in the eyes of many, unmistakably pro-Soviet. When Britain intervened in the Russian Revolution, Ernest Bevin put pressure on the government by encouraging the London dockers to take the lead in refusing to load the Foolish George without removing the ship’s cargo of military supplies destined for Poland.

Truman’s mood could be imagined when the No. 1 and No. 2 men of the new British government came to Potsdam with such obvious pro-Soviet elements. This is what happened at the Séchirinhof when Allen Wilson returned to Potsdam.

First of all, he reported to the Foreign Office Secretary and the Cabinet Secretary, and asked to Edward Bridges, “Sir Edward, is my work to be hidden from the Prime Minister?”

Edward Bridges pondered for a moment and slowly shook his head, “No, this is not at home, the international conference is still in progress, and our private dealings with the Soviets cannot be hidden from the new Prime Minister. Because the conference is not yet over, while the backroom dealings will continue, it is important to express honesty to the new prime minister at a time like this.”

“But the former Prime Minister is still around.” Alan Wilson scratched his head a little, a little unsure of the consequences of this.

“Civil servants take a friendly and neutral approach to party changeover.” Alexander Cadogan, who was on the sidelines, interjected, “As for the handover between Mr. Churchill and the Prime Minister, that’s their business.”

“Very well!” Edward Bridges spat a word out of his mouth, the meaning of which could not have been more obvious.

Ah …… Mr. Churchill! Alan Wilson’s mind was clear, it would be foolish not to understand what it meant by now, and then asked for instructions, “I wonder what the attitude of the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary, is towards this meeting.”

“What about the truth, much more moderate than Mr. Churchill’s attitude towards the Soviet Union. Our Foreign Secretary and Molotov are on very good terms and the animosity between them has abated a great deal.” Edward Bridges turned his words around and said, “In fact, there is no conflict at all between us and the Soviet Union the more, it is just that certain political figures are inexplicably hostile to the Soviet Union.”

“Right, there is no conflict.” Alexander Cadogan also rushed to clear the air, “Just because we are only implementing Mr. Churchill’s policies doesn’t mean we agree with what they stand for.”

That makes them? Although Alan Wilson thought that in his heart, he also acted like he was leaning towards the organization, “Actually, if Lord Prime Minister had participated in the negotiations instead of Mr. Churchill being here, it might have already been done.”

“It’s quite possible.” Alexander Cadogan spoke up in agreement, not caring in the slightest about my embarrassment at objecting to my own.

When Allen Wilson was about to go and report about the matter of the private deal with the Soviet Union, Alexander Cadogan followed him out and called out to Allen Wilson.

“Executive Undersecretary, what is it?” Confused, Allen Wilson thought back on the process he had just gone through, and there was nothing out of place.

“Sir Edward, does not share some of the Prime Minister’s perceptions. You have experience as a civil servant in British India, and if the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary ask about British India, you will have to tell us.” Alexander Cadogan, afraid that Alan Wilson would not understand, lowered his voice and said, “The Soviet Union has nothing to do with us in the final analysis, but British India is related to the lives of 100,000 civil servants and their families, do you understand?”

“Understood!” Alan Wilson’s face was solemn, it seemed that it was the Cabinet Secretary and the new Prime Minister who had a disagreement on the issue of British India. As Edward Bridges, the Cabinet Secretary, the Soviet Union issue was far less important than the issue of British India in the eyes of him, the head of the civil service.

The civil service chiefs were concerned with nothing more than size and budget, and the 100,000 civil servants in British India were an important part of the British Empire’s civil service, close to half the size of the home civil service. What would happen to these civil servants if the new Prime Minister was not prepared to spend any more time in British India?

The problem is already known, but Alan Wilson did not think of a way, can only pray that he is a small person, the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary will not think of getting up to ask his opinion of such an insignificant role.

“What a Tory style, backroom deals again.” Ernest Bevin, who had just become the foreign minister, after listening to Alan Wilson’s report, cynically commented, “I say how can Molotov be so amiable, putting his attention on such things, the real dilemma one has not been solved, what about Austria’s belonging? What about the fact that the Soviet Union has sealed the border between Austria and Yugoslavia and has stated that it is not fit to change the status quo anytime soon?”

“Honorable Foreign Minister, this is really a problem between the United States and the Soviets.” Alan Wilson maintained his original statement that the Yugoslavs were running to the American occupied zone and had nothing to do with the British Empire.

He had to speak up at this point, saving the two new bigwigs, who had no topic of conversation, from actually thinking of inquiring about British India in a moment.

“Foreign Secretary, the Soviets formally informed us that they are going to declare war on Japan.” Is walking on thin ice at the moment, foreign ministry secretary Alexander Cadogan pushed the door in,: “Is just now the Soviet delegation informed us, the Soviet Union has entered a state of war with Japan.”