Chapter 109 The Birth of a Boy
For the problem of British India, in fact, the attitude is nothing more than two, is resolutely retained or temporary contraction looking forward to a comeback, in 1945 in the head of the British politicians, there is not yet any completely retracted back to the British Isles to live one day at a time idea.
Whether it is the Conservative Party or the Labor Party, all believe that the current difficulties are temporary, once the independence of British India develops poorly, it is the opportunity for the British Empire to make a comeback. But Alan Wilson knew that such ideas were all too idealistic.
In matters of land much history had proved that once lost, it was almost lost forever. The chances of a comeback were slim to none, and what many think tanks had said, that if India became independent it would break up into seven or eight small states begging for Britain to go back to the future didn’t happen.
Alan Wilson, who had done a bit of language here with Edward Bridges, was soon summoned by Prime Minister Airdrie. Naturally, Prime Minister Aidley was not going to talk to a shrimp about how he himself had settled things with Stalin and Iran.
As the Cabinet Secretary had predicted, it happened that there was a diplomat at the Potsdam Conference who had experience of working in British India, and the Prime Minister wanted to ask about the specifics of British India, the colony of the British Empire.
Independence for British India was not a new issue at all, and it could be argued that it had been troubling London for years.
At the end of the First World War, the United Kingdom at that time planned by the Hindus more areas of Hindustan, more areas of the pacifist Pakistan, while retaining the kingdom of each state, the three to form an independent “Indian Union” independence program, but failed to obtain a consensus.
Before the end of World War II, Cripps, the Secretary of State and Leader of the House of Commons, traveled to India and promised to grant India the status of an autonomous territory after the war. Upon his arrival in India, Cripps put forward the British proposal for India, the “Cripps Proposal”.
After consultation with the Indian high command, the British decided to publish a proposal for the establishment of a self-government in India in the shortest possible time. The content of the proposal was the establishment of a new Indian federation as a self-governing territory, with a status equal to that of Britain itself and other self-governing territories, and not subordinate to other countries in both internal and external affairs.
However, the program also proposed that the native states of British India had the right not to join the newly created Indian Union, which made it possible to create two, or even more than two, political entities on the original lands of India, thus opening the door to the partition of India.
In Alan Wilson’s view, in fact, the Cripps proposal is quite good, not to distinguish by religion, but by the British India’s direct provinces and the native states, which will help the fragmentation of British India.
But the downside was also there, in the unified body, Jinnah led the PML-N, in any case, can not fight the Nehru-led Congress, Ali Jinnah foresaw the whole of South Asia and pacifist numerical disadvantage, said that rather than civil war will never be with the Hindus in the same country.
When confronted with Prime Minister Adlai’s question, Alan Wilson expressed the tension between the PML-N and the Congress Party, and that Ali Jinnah and Nehru could not piss in the same pot at all.
Edward Bridges, the Cabinet Secretary, who had been prepared for this, said without a trace, “Actually, the Prime Minister wants to give up India for no other reason than that India puts in more than it takes out and saves money to bring prosperity back to the homeland more quickly.”
“Of course, Edward. The citizens at home cannot starve and tighten their belts to maintain the dignity of the British Empire.” Adderley sighed, he didn’t want India to become independent if he had a choice. But his heart was in the right place, immediately withdrawing the troops from Europe to go to India to suppress it, where would the money come from?
“Honorable Prime Minister, on a larger scale, in fact, the independence of the colonies is not a problem that we, the British Empire, have to face on our own, there are many other European countries that face the same problem, so perhaps it is possible for gentlemen to sit down and have a good talk in an all-or-nothing self-interested manner.” With that said, Edward Bridges gave Alan Wilson a wink.
Allen Wilson understood, indicated that he would look for a portion of the information, and withdrew from the Prime Minister’s room. The next thing the Cabinet Secretary was going to talk about was what he had said before, asking the other countries about their attitudes when it came to colonization, along with France, Holland, Portugal, Belgium, and even Spain.
A spectre, a spectre of colonialism was hovering over Europe, and the British Empire, the French Fourth Republic, Spain, Portugal, Holland, and Belgium were all united, the Prime Minister and the Dictator, the President and the Queen, the Labor Party in England and the Generals in France, all united.
On the question of how Britain could recover quickly, Edward Bridges, for his part, put Alan Wilson’s idea into words, not forgetting to add, “In a sense, actually, such tactics are more like what the Soviets would do. But I personally have no prejudice against the Soviet Union, and it would have been a fine tradition of the British Empire to be good at learning from the best of other nations.”
Churchill, who was also present at the Séchirinhof Palace in the guise of a British advisor, sneezed for no apparent reason, “Winston, what’s the matter with you?” U.S. President Harry S. Truman let out a loud laugh, playfully amused by the comical scene Churchill had just made.
An Assistant Secretary of State walked briskly over to Truman’s side and handed over a telegram that read simply, “Boy born without incident, cries carry far ……”
Four days earlier, at 5:24 a.m. on July 16, the United States had conducted the first nuclear test ever conducted by mankind. About a thousand scientists, government officials and others were invited to visit.
Suspended thirty meters above the ground on a tower was the finished product of the Manhattan Project, a nuclear bomb with a plutonium charge weighing 6.1 kilograms and a TNT yield of 22,000 tons. The nuclear explosion generated tens of millions of degrees of heat and tens of billions of atmospheres of pressure, causing the installation pylons to melt into gas and creating a huge crater in the ground.
The smoke and dust from the nuclear explosion was a terrifying cloud in the sky. Within a radius of 400 meters, sand and gravel were melted into a yellow-green glassy substance, and all animals within a radius of 1,600 meters died. The power of this atomic bomb was nearly twenty times greater than what the scientists had originally estimated. A huge ball of fire rose eight thousand meters into the air, brighter than a thousand suns.
“Winston, I dreamed of world domination yesterday.” Truman, as president, of course knew what the telegram meant, and couldn’t wait to share the joy of victory with Churchill.
The joy of the nuclear test filled Truman with joy and a feeling of grandeur appeared in his heart, but the main topics of the Potsdam Conference had all been talked about, and the thought of it was not without some loss in his heart.
“We should let the Soviet leaders, understand that the world has changed.” Churchill immediately suggested to Truman that he should inform Stalin of this news.