Chapter 1182 – Hooking Up

“Perhaps in the eyes of the British, may really believe that this is our general attack, many Commonwealth countries public opinion does say so.” Shelepin’s loyalists are still doing the KGB chairman it, naturally, is very aware of the current movement in public opinion in various countries.

“If that’s really the case, it can be said to have both advantages and disadvantages.” Gromyko froze then said, “With the addition of the African and Asian side of things, our negotiating leverage will become more, and if the Cuban Missile Crisis is laid to rest, there’s no doubt that we need to take points on these two issues, or else we won’t be able to account for them to the other allies.”

Brezhnev fell into thought, finally shook his head and said, “The Asian matter of curmudgeons can not be involved, regardless of which side, in the end will be complained, not to mention that our Eastern comrades are not obedient, in the middle of an irrational state, may be we say any word, they are in the view that we interfere in internal affairs. It’s not appropriate to take a stand at the diplomatic level, at least in public.”

The formerly close Eastern allies have become downright problem children in the eyes of Moscow now. Having caused a lot of trouble for the Soviet Union, any liaison under these circumstances was undesirable.

“In fact, in addition to these three points, we must also take note of Southeast Asia, where Sukarno is very unhappy because of the United States’ siding with the British Netherlands, and because of Australia’s intense hostility toward post-independence Indonesia. The power of the Communist Party of Indonesia is expanding rapidly. If we can make decisive progress in Indonesian affairs after this crisis is over, we should be able to draw a line under this crisis. It should be possible to put a good end to this crisis.”

Foltseva at this time narrates, expounds her views on Indonesian affairs, and then turns to say, “But through the fate of Mossadegh in Iran, we should also know a few elements, and that is that the leaders of many countries, for example, Mossadegh, simply do not realize the seriousness of the matter, and there are problems with the fundamentals.”

“Even if Sukarno is now favoring the Indonesian Communist Party, the Indonesian military receives so-called aid from the U.S. every year, which is extremely similar to the situation in the previous coup in Iran.”

Unconsciously, all the members of the Central Presidium were fascinated by Foltseva’s words, the Culture Tsar rarely took a stance on foreign affairs, but on the limited occasions he did, the results were good.

“In the event of a coup d’état, the Soviet Union would be at exactly the same disadvantage as in this Cuban Missile Crisis, that is, we lack the strength to support an archipelagic country.” Foltseva said with a sense of helplessness, “From the worst point of view, maybe the British and American plans to overthrow Indonesia are already on the agenda, and if there is a coup d’état, how can we rescue it.”

The members of the Central Presidency were silent; if the Soviet Union had had the means, it would not have been so embarrassed by the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Maybe the Royal Navy wasn’t as sharp as the U.S. Navy, but it was still above the Soviet Red Navy.

“The risk is so high, and we can’t even rescue them if something goes wrong, so there’s only one way, we have to get ahead of the game, and try to maximize our victory.”

Foltseva said this and looked at Shelepin, “Shurik, is there no progress in the KGB’s work in Indonesia? In fact, for many countries it doesn’t really take much power to carry out a coup, a lean command of combat troops can get things done, like in the Congo, where we controlled or rather tilted Lumumba in our favor, and are now holding the British-backed independence forces at bay in Katanga.”

“Even if we do succeed, putting Sukarno on the stage is still the first priority.” Brezhnev continued, following Foltseva’s train of thought, “Our long-range projection power isn’t strong enough yet, and cooperating with a prestigious national leader isn’t an option that can’t be done. It would be impossible to control the whole situation in Indonesia by leaving Sukarno out of the picture as well.”

“In teaching the United States a lesson.” More than anyone else, Khrushchev was in the most urgent of moods, having thought about the possible consequences of the Cuban Missile Crisis, but not the extremely difficult position in which the US had stuck the Soviet Union.

If he backed down this time, his blackmail of the United States over the past few years with missiles in his mouth would be bankrupt.

But to really compromise, even if Britain and France had already taken the initiative to give a step down, was still hard to accept. This is a huge damage to his authority.

So even if it is a final compromise, the Soviet Union must still achieve results in another place to be able to, “Shurik, Comrade Katya’s view is extremely important, considering Iran’s previous experience, in a certain sense the situation in Sukarno, Indonesia is really dangerous, comrades do you agree with this judgment?”

When Khrushchev inquired about consent, he was not asking for the opinion of the others, but deciding things offhandedly as a matter of habit. Those present were naturally well aware of this, and all nodded in agreement.

After the meeting was adjourned, Brezhnev left the Kremlin, and Foltseva, following beside him, was heard to say, “In the event of a compromise, the repercussions will be immense, and the state of our country will not tolerate the leadership of a weak man.”

“Well!” Foltseva hmmmed, Brezhnev was speaking the truth, the Russians were like that. There was no patience for weakness. Both of them were unspoken and did not continue the discussion.

At the British Embassy, Allen Wilson was analyzing with Van Sid, about what the Soviet Union would do next. The name Van Sider piqued Allen Wilson’s interest, and upon inquiry was nothing special, being of Dutch descent.

“From what I know of the Soviets, I feel that there is little hope that the Soviets will give in, and that the Permanent Undersecretary’s visit to Moscow this time, may not have the hoped-for results.” Van Sider was pessimistic about Allen Wilson’s visit, the Russians had no room for weakness in their national character.

“That’s not necessarily true; in fact, being good at strategic contraction is a far greater test of a leader than being good at strategic offense. Who doesn’t know how to strategically attack? But strategic contraction is difficult.”

Alan Wilson had the feeling that after the war, Britain began to contract strategically, which might not be very honorable to say. But it is also a way to weigh the pros and cons, hard to hold on to the framework of the Sunset Empire, it is estimated that the U.S. and the Soviet Union combination of punches has long been dragged down.

In the general direction, Britain’s strategic contraction is correct, and Allen Wilson also knows this. It’s just that he doesn’t trust the U.S. He just feels that the U.S. is significantly less diplomatically mellow than Britain.

At his age now, it’s okay to hang up early, in case of a longer life, and even if he defeats the Soviet Union, is it possible to watch the United States, after defeating the Soviet Union, turn around and hammer Britain and France in passing, and then bring Britain into the ditch with its eyes closed and invincible aura?

In his view the United States and the Soviet Union in the strategic contraction, on the big brother not to mention the second brother, the Soviet Union to contract themselves collapsed. The United States saw the consequences of this, in the twenty-first century hard top not contraction, but this is not hard top can solve the problem.

The problem will not disappear because of the hard top regardless, sooner or later will explode, when don’t even dragged hostage to the United Kingdom.

The two men discussing at the embassy, at this point, do not know that the Soviets are now preparing to open another front to get back, or is it the cultural czar in Alan Wilson’s eyes who suggested it.

Taking a summary of Indonesian affairs, Semichasne approached Shelepin to report on the current situation in Indonesia.

Relations between the United States and Sukarno were not amicable, among other things also because the United States sided with Britain and took a hostile stance against the Sukarno regime’s Non-Aligned Movement; after all, an absolute lack of loyalty is an absolute lack of loyalty.

After Indonesian President Sukarno began to implement his so-called “guided democracy” reforms, the U.S., fearing that Sukarno’s relationship with the Communist Party of Indonesia (CPI) would grow closer, supplied armaments, including dozens of fighter jets, to rightist Indonesian soldiers and separatists.

The main recipients of the armaments were two different organizations. The first was the Revolutionary Government of the People’s Republic of Indonesia (GPRI), based in Sumatra, and the second was the rebel movement based in Menado.

The United States Government not only provided armaments to these two rebel organizations, but also sent agents to Indonesia to help these two organizations realize their dream of secession. Unaware of the U.S. intentions, the Indonesian side requested for U.S. military assistance, which was also rejected by the U.S. side.

Throughout this process, the Sukarno government has discovered that the U.S. is behind these two organizations.

“What is certain is that Sukarno has alienated himself from the US as a result.” Semichasne told Shelepin, “It’s not that there isn’t an opportunity to extend Soviet influence into Indonesia, and in fact it’s quite appropriate.”

“A little movement on our part might be taken against Mossadegh on the part of the United States. As you said, the US takes so-called aid to the Indonesian military every year. The fact that Sukarno knows that the US is the backstage of the two separatist organizations and remains indifferent shows that he is also not very good at politics as a person, or is overly confident in his supremacy as the father of independence.”

“The last man who was so confident was already taken out by Pahlavi in Tehran.”

Sherepine shook his head, “That’s a rather dangerous situation, and the most dangerous thing is that Sukarno may still recognize that danger.”

At this time, Shelepin did not know that Foltseva had the list of Indonesian military generals that should be purged in her hands and was still hurting over how to find an entry point.

At the same time, Khrushchev, the first secretary of the Central Presidium of the USSR, wrote a personal letter to Kennedy explaining the position of the USSR in this crisis.

Soon, Kennedy in the White House received the letter from Khrushchev, at this time Kennedy with bragging rights, the personal letter of Khrushchev in front of the British and French foreign ministers bright, “The fact that Khrushchev has proved to be no solution to our naval blockade.”

“If that’s the case, there’s room for things to be resolved peacefully, and that’s what both of our countries would like to see.” Rab Butler breathed a sigh of relief and thought about how he would go back and take credit for the end of the Cuban Missile Crisis on top of this British mediation.

Coincidentally, the French were thinking the same thing, but Kennedy wasn’t, and he didn’t want the two overbearing overlords to use this confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union to boost their own prestige.