Chapter 822 – The Juba Talks

Joseph Agu, who had reappeared, was unchanged from the last time, nothing more than a change of clothes. The purpose also remained the same, wanting to get the promise of partition from Alan Wilson.

He also knew that he did not have many cards in his hand, and had to fulfill some interests of Britain in order to achieve his goal. In the past few days he had figured out that it was the Arabs who were a little more frightening than the British who were far away.

“The Colonel’s sharp thinking is not rare amongst the blacks.” Alan Wilson opened his mouth to compliment Joseph Agu from a racial discrimination point of view.

Joseph Agu didn’t even know whether he was facing a compliment or a mockery, a dark face changed, but people had to bow their heads under the roof, and could only recite, “Mr. Wilson is too polite.”

Being scolded and still smiling, Joseph Agu is now very unhappy, but he still needs the support of Britain, can only pretend not to hear, “We know the Arabs very well, and are not willing to coexist with them among a country.”

“This judgment is correct.” Alan Wilson appreciated, “Your numbers are small, and your culture is at a disadvantage. Once you stay in a country with Arabs, you will only end up being marginalized. I have never respected the Arabs, they were the greatest enemy of Christendom before the Industrial Revolution.”

Alan Wilson even argues that the Pacifist civilization was in a position to hang on to other civilizations during the Agrarian Age. The Arabs got the religion of peace out, and in less than a hundred years it spread throughout Eurasia; Persia was originally Zoroastrianism, the Near East was originally Orthodox territory, South Asia was Hindu territory, the neighborhood of Central Asia was originally a radial belt of Buddhism and Confucianism, and Catholicism prevailed in North Africa and Spain.

But what happened in the end, the Peace Church defeated all these rivals, and had India not been colonized by Britain afterwards, it is likely that from the Strait of Gibraltar all the way to Southeast Asia would have been the territory of the Peace Church.

The speed of expansion of the Peace Cult in the Agrarian Age dwarfed the Christian nations of Europe, defeating more than one powerful civilization. So in Africa, cleaning up after a bunch of rookie blacks is only going to get easier not harder.

“I wonder what it would cost us to let Britain partition the Sudan?” Joseph Agu asked, speaking up.

“Probably later independence. About five years, which of course is outside my authority, is my estimate.” Alan Wilson said with an old sense of humor, “First of all South Sudan will go through a period of co-rule, where the colonial government and the party you form will run South Sudan together, and in the process, Colonel Joseph can learn first, how to run a country that in all fairness is not at all harder than independence.”

“Five years?” Joseph Agu frowned, “That means that if there is a partition, South Sudan will become independent five years late?”

“This is responsible for South Sudan. Independence is just the beginning, Colonel Joseph can listen to nothing if he feels that, there is not much difference between a newly independent country and a colony, but let me remind one thing. We are not as tough as the French, but we don’t like politicians who don’t cooperate with the British either.”

Alan Wilson lowered his voice, “In principle, we want everyone to live long and healthy lives, but there are always accidents in the world.”

He’s threatening me? That was Joseph Agu’s intuitive reaction, but immediately countered with, “Mr. Wilson, this is my territory, and I have my Equatorial Legion nearby.”

“What your territory, this is the territory of the British Empire.” Alan Wilson hemmed and hawed, “Maybe this will be your territory in the future, but it’s only yours if Britain gives it to you, you can’t grab it if Britain doesn’t give it to you.”

“I’m going to have to discuss this with everyone.” Joseph Agu didn’t refuse, although the Englishman in front of him was talking very unkindly.

But things have come to a point where it is now obvious that the British are sure to leave, the difference is whether they leave immediately or wait a few years before leaving. But once the British left, the Arabs became a big problem.

With the current situation in Sudan, if the British don’t partition, once independent South Sudan will be quickly marginalized. So it is still the Arabs who are a bigger threat to the blacks in South Sudan.

Joseph Agu said to go back to consider, Allen Wilson continued to recover his body, thanks to Hedy Lamarr to help him sweat, the body’s powerlessness has been eliminated, just hard to provide logistical support for the movie queen.

“It looks like a good talk and the body is energized.” Satisfied, Hedy Lamarr turned her back to the man, exposing her smooth spine and taking the opportunity to clean up her body.

“Britain is far away and the Arabs are close. That’s what most countries would choose.” Alan Wilson said confidently, “That’s why the Soviet Union’s neighbors are afraid of it, not so much Britain’s.”

“Except the French.” Hedy Lamarr turned and smiled lightly.

“Except ……,” Allen Wilson pursed his lips to compensate, “even the French.”

After a few days, Joseph Agu returned again and came up with the final word on South Sudan’s attitude, “We want independence from the Arabs, and as long as Britain can guarantee that, everything else is negotiable.”

“Very well.” Alan Wilson agreed flatly, “So Colonel Joseph, are you willing to wait some time for this? If possible, I have an idea. While the British forces are still in control of Sudan, South Sudan could hold a referendum. Of course I’m willing to run for that and cause an established fact.”

“Yes!” Joseph Agu nodded his head in agreement, then followed up with, “The topic of the referendum?”

“Whether the blacks of South Sudan are willing, and the Arabs to exist among one nation.” Alan Wilson was confident, “I believe that the result of the referendum will be satisfactory.”

The result of the referendum can be predicted now, and it will be 100% the result that Britain wants. Even Alan Wilson has already thought of the excuse to sensibly make South Sudan independent of Khartoum’s administration, and also to kill two birds with one stone for the US to recognize.

The reason lies in the black slave trade, which the Arabs also carried out, and for the blacks of South Sudan, in the nineteenth century the Arabs in the north began to round up the blacks of the south and sell slaves. Hatred was born from this.

The black slave trade was a profitable business and European colonizers flocked to Sudan in the nineteenth century to open commercial companies. They supplied the Arabs in North Sudan with large quantities of weapons and encouraged them to round up blacks.

The Arabs could not resist the temptation in the face of huge economic benefits, so they organized armed hunting parties and carried out inhuman arrests of blacks in the south, resulting in the separation of a large number of families and the destruction of their homes.

The root cause was in the United States, but the people who practiced it were the Arabs, and the object of the blacks’ greatest hatred was not the European and American countries which they had never seen, but the Arabs who organized the armed slave hunting teams.

On the issue of black slavery, the United States, which is the beacon of the world at this moment, would not have opposed the partition of South Sudan for this reason. America’s racial discrimination against blacks at home is another matter, but the black slave trade has been politically incorrect since the Civil War.

As long as public opinion is mobilized to remind the blacks of South Sudan of the past, I believe that once the referendum begins, the support for the independence of South Sudan will have to be 99 percent, if not 100 percent.

Now that we have received assurances from Joseph Agu, it is not possible to sign a secret pact without black and white. The content of the secret treaty is that once the referendum on the independence of South Sudan from Khartoum’s administration, within five years will not seek independence from the United Kingdom, the United Kingdom’s garrison in South Sudan as usual, and all the interests of South Sudan’s protection.

With all these terms agreed to by Joseph Agu, Alan Wilson began to send telegrams to John to inform him of the results of his arrival in Juba and to discuss his next move.

“It has now become clear that the blacks of South Sudan also want independence from Khartoum. The referendum on partition is a solution to the problem, and having separate independence for Arabs and blacks is listed as a given for Sudan’s independence. The problem now is that we need to trick the Arab leaders into making a trip to Juba in the name of discussing the future of Sudan and at the same time start pushing for a referendum on the independence of South Sudan. And if possible, get the ambassador from the back office of the U.S. in Khartoum, to be a witness.”

In Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, John, the Commissioner of British Sudan, took the telegram from Allen Wilson and carefully understood the meaning of the telegram, and then fell into a deep thought.

Alan Wilson’s telegram showed that the independence of South Sudan from Khartoum was not a problem in terms of public opinion. Otherwise it would not have been so certain in the tone of the telegram Yong.

“Inform me Ismail Azari of the Brotherhood Party and Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi of the National People’s Party that, in order to preserve the integrity of the Sudanese land, Britain is willing to come forward to conduct a negotiation between North and South Sudan in Juba to discuss the future of the country.”

Soon, the negotiations about the North-South Sudan consultation to be held in Juba was known to both Ismail Azari and Abd Rahman Mahdi, and the two quickly gathered supporters of the Brotherhood Party and the National People’s Party (NPP) to discuss what drug the British were selling inside their gourd.

While the two men were discussing, John, in his capacity as Sudanese commissioner, entered the American representative office in Khartoum. It was hoped that the United States could bear witness, as a friendly force, to the bitterness of the British in dealing with the question of Sudanese independence.

To this the Americans, of course, begged, and the head of the representative office, Yorke Kiziton, was delighted, seeing this as a witness to British recognition of American influence, and agreed in one breath to express his willingness to appear at the Juba talks to assist Britain in dealing with the question of Sudanese independence.

“I am grateful to the United States for supporting Britain in this position.” John sneered coldly in his mind, but remained motionless in his thanks.

Meanwhile, Colonel Joseph Agu of the South Sudan Equatoria Corps, was running around the land of South Sudan, reminding the black people of South Sudan not to forget the hatred of the Arabs who trafficked the blacks in the first place.

Soon all parties endorsed the idea that they should have a good talk and set a week later in Juba to discuss the future of North and South Sudan.

Ismail Azari and Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, representing the Brotherhood Party and the National People’s Party, respectively, departed for Juba, as did the head of the U.S. Representative Office, Yorke Kizdon, and the Sudanese commissioner, John.

A few days later, in Juba, the capital of South Sudan, representatives of all parties had arrived and exchanged information waiting for the talks to begin.