Chapter 83 The Cabinet Secretary’s Worries
General Eisenhower, who received President Truman’s telegram, was also relieved in his heart, he finally had a chance to solve this unruly and unruly prickly subordinate, out of General Pansing’s relationship, if it was a normal time, Eisenhower really didn’t have much of a way to deal with this subordinate, who had a lower rank than himself.
From this point of view, General Eisenhower even felt that the matter of refugees crossing the border was not entirely bad. Just make sure that what happens afterward doesn’t involve you.
Therefore, Eisenhower agreed with the British definition of the incident as a purely coincidental isolated event, and had already decided in his heart that this was the truth of the whole matter, and that there was no need or necessity to launch an investigation into the matter.
The dismissal of General Patton was the best possible result, and all were very happy! It has to be said that the politician side of General Eisenhower played a leading role and understood President Truman’s thinking very well.
Before Truman arrived in Europe, General Eisenhower announced a new appointment, relieving General Patton of his duties as Administrator of Bavaria in the name of General Patton’s ineptitude in internal affairs.
The position of Commander of the Third U.S. Regimental Army was retained, however it was only a temporary retention, and when the proper opportunity arose, Eisenhower would find a way to get Patton to a pensioned position with no chance of adding to the problem from his front.
By the time General Patton was dismissed from his position as Bavarian state administrator, the pot-shaking contest in which all parties competed because of the incident caused by the refugees crossing the border finally had someone to take the blame.
In terms of seniority and reputation, General Patton was the obvious candidate, but he ran into a direct superior, General Eisenhower, who was a strong politician, and a new president who desperately needed to make an appearance at a major international conference to rid himself of President Roosevelt’s influence.
The new president’s flip-flopping, coupled with his immediate superior’s move to clear his name, resulted in General Patton being the one to take the fall.
And General Patton was also the most appropriate person to take the fall; the average man could not afford to take the fall. Even if Allen Wilson is willing to take the initiative to come forward and admit his malfeasance, the Soviets will only think that this is the British and American insincerity, to get out a temporary worker to perfume the Soviet Union, so that sometimes the status is not high is not a bad thing.
Before the great Prime Minister and the honorable Foreign Secretary arrived in Berlin, diplomats were still making final preparations to let the British Empire fight for its own interests in this negotiation.
The Cabinet Secretary, Edward Bridges, was listening in, leaving the Foreign Office Secretary, Alexander Cadogan, to chair the meeting while he gave his guidance, and similar meetings have not been without reference among past history.
At the end of the First World War, the Paris Peace Conference of the United States, Britain and France was similar to the Potsdam Conference that was about to be held now, listening to Alexander Cadogan and many diplomats discussing the upcoming conference, Edward Bridges slowly spoke, “To find the position of the British Empire, you can judge from the attitudes of the other two parties at the Paris Peace Conference, the attitude of the United States and the Soviet Union.”
“Then who is in a similar position to France right now?” Alexander Cadogan turned his head to the waiting diplomats.
“After several years of fierce fighting on the home front and severe destruction at home, the one in a similar situation to France is the Soviet Union.” Alan Wilson answered the question, pausing for a moment to say, “We can surmise the attitude of the Soviet Union from the attitude of the French at the Paris Peace Conference.”
“Over at the Paris office, they say that the Paris newspapers have not reported on the Potsdam Conference at all in the last few days.” Eiffel mentioned the news saying, “The few papers that did report it didn’t seem to be friendly.”
“The French, well, no surprise! It might not sit well with them to not have a French role in this meeting.” Alexander Cadogan brought the topic back, “It can be assumed that the Soviet Union’s attitude towards Germany is similar to France’s attitude towards Germany after World War I. And our attitude is that we cannot allow the tragedy of Germany’s comeback after World War I to repeat itself.”
After saying this, Alexander Cadogan laid his eyes on Edward Bridges, who did not speak, but only nodded, indicating that this was the meaning of the entire Cabinet.
The situation faced by the Potsdam Conference bore a great resemblance to the Paris Peace Conference, the difference being that the original France had been replaced by the current Soviet Union. Due to the previous experience, both the United States and Britain were very worried about a repeat of the tragedy. The United States believed that there were serious problems with the post-World War I program to settle the German reparations issue.
“Although the Dawes Plan relieved Germany’s burden, it ignored the fact that Britain and France also owed a huge debt to the United States.
It was tantamount to the United States financing German reparations payments to Britain and France, and Britain and France paying them to the United States. As a result, the German reparations did not in any way help the revival of Europe, but on the contrary aggravated the political turmoil in Europe.
Similar views existed in Britain and the United States, but from a different perspective. The British viewpoint combined economic development and strategic planning. Out of concern for Soviet expansion into Western Europe, Britain, as after World War I, did not want Germany to be overly weakened, and thus rebuilding Germany was imperative.
That is, Britain is more desperate to rebuild Germany than the United States is, except that it doesn’t have the money right now.
“Which means that what we did to France in the first place, we’re doing to the Soviet Union now.” Ivor felt he had gotten the point.
“In reality the United States is the role we had in the British Empire in the first place, the Soviet Union is in the midst of the French environment, but in terms of strength perhaps we are a little more appropriate this time with France at the Paris Peace Conference.” Edward Bridges shook his head, pointing out the diplomats, “Balancing the views of the US and the USSR in this situation is a great test of ability, well, adjourn for now.”
The conference room was empty, Alexander Cadogan accompanied Edward Bridges to leave, and followed behind, “Sir Edward, these diplomats are facing such an important international conference for the first time, it is understandable that some things are not well thought out.”
“Of course it’s understandable!” Edward Bridges did not stop walking and said without looking back, “Do you think I am worried about their inexperience? That’s not important, what I’m worried about is our Prime Minister, still thinking that this is nothing more than a simple repetition of the Paris Peace Conference, and pushing the Soviets regardless of the current situation at home.”
“Did you just refer to the Prime Minister when you said that we are now more like the French before?” Alexander Cadogan was a little surprised, he hadn’t really thought of that level.
“What else? You don’t think the Paris Peace Conference is the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister, meeting every day from morning to night.” Edward Bridges turned back with a you’re-so-unprofessional look, “It wasn’t even us diplomats who went to the negotiations, except that the negotiations gave the politicians a chance to sign.”